VIII. Research Design
The main purpose of this research is to collect information that will assist in the development of a preservation strategy for the Chemung Battlefield. Important to this plan is the determination of integrity for the defining features related to the battlefield. The research presented here is a first step to the assessment of integrity. Research into the historic record and surface mapping has helped in the identification of the defining features related to the battle and an initial assessment of the effect general threats to the battlefield have had on these features. Previous CRM projects with subsurface testing conducted by the Public Archaeology Facility in portions of the battlefield did not specifically address the integrity of features and deposits related to the battlefield. Testing for these projects included mostly shovel test pits (STPs) with some block unit testing. These methods were not designed to identify battlefield deposits. However, the areas previously tested provide information on the integrity of portions of the landscape, specifically whether the soils tested were intact, plowed, or modified by cut/fill activities.
8.2 Research Questions
Besides the general question of the integrity of these defining features, there are other research questions we propose that can produce valuable information for a broader interpretation of how the battle unfolded. Overall, three basic questions form the foundation of this research design:
1. Can the material culture related to the battlefield confirm or add to documentary
descriptions of troop movements and tactics?
2. What was the condition of occupation in the Village of New Chemung previous to the Battle of Chemung? and
3. Methodologically, how does the productivity of a magnetometer compare with other remote sensing techniques, such as metal detector surveys for obtaining artifact and feature information pertinent to the research questions?
The rest of this section provides a more detailed discussion of these general research questions.
Troop Movements and Arms: Can the archeological record of the battle confirm or add to the troop movements and types of arms described in the historical record?
The Battle of Chemung unfolded over an extensive span of the regional landscape, including
the march from Fort Sullivan to the valley containing the Village of New Chemung,
then onward to the Chemung Ambuscade. According to historical records, the movement
of troops can be divided into three main maneuvers:
• the Avenue of Approach from Fort Sullivan to the Village of New Chemung;
• the attack and destruction of the Village of New Chemung and the surrounding cornfields; and
• the Continental advance to the Chemung Ambuscade and the subsequent fighting.
Each of these maneuvers had different goals and used appropriate tactics to achieve those goals. Similarly, specific research questions can be asked for each maneuver in order to understand how combatants applied tactics within the landscape during the battle.
Occupation and Destruction of the Village of New Chemung
The Village of New Chemung had a complex series of occupations each adding distinctive deposit patterns on the feature. Previous to the battle, the village was home to a group of Muncie Delaware; the village later served as a refugee settlement. The refugees consisted of both Native Americans and loyalists displaced by the Revolutionary War, and non-Indian settlers. During the Battle of Chemung, Continental forces torched the village's houses and structures. Continental forces used the area of the village as an encampment the night before the Battle of Newtown and on their return to Fort Sullivan at the end of the Sullivan-Clinton campaign. To aid in the determination of integrity, these deposits will have to be identified and separated. The identification and separation of these occupations may be difficult given the short-term nature of the occupations, but would be necessary to help identify the battle related deposits.
The separation of these deposits would occur during field survey as well as during artifact analysis. The area of New Chemung is currently used as agricultural fields. Re-plowing of these fields would not impact the battlefield deposits beyond previous impacts. Identifying artifact clusters through surface survey would answer questions of integrity for the feature.
Comparison of Remote Sensing Techniques
Remote sensing using both magnetometer and metal detector surveys may help to discern deposits related to the battlefield. Metal detecting should provide a baseline of information related to finding battle-related metal items. Spatial patterning and clustering of certain artifacts, such as nails may provide information on the outlines of structures or the presence of activity areas. Metal detecting, though, will be limited in distinguishing between the village's separate uses. Magnetometer's ability to identify burned features could help to locate not only general disturbances to the soil matrix and metallic items, but burned areas, such as the structures at New Chemung burned during the Battle of Chemung, and the items left behind within those structures. This would help to establish a primary separation of occupations.
8.3 Data Needs and Field Methodology
These questions require specific data sets, which can be obtained by conducting a ground truthing archeological survey of the key defining features of the battlefield. Minimal documentation exists for the Battle of Chemung, making field survey essential to understanding the battle. We propose a field survey based on a combination of metal detecting, magnetometer survey, and limited excavation. These techniques will allow for the identification of materials, artifacts, and features needed to address the research questions related to troop movements, tactics, and overall integrity of the battlefield.
Field Testing at Chemung Ambuscade
To determine the integrity of Chemung Ambuscade/Ambush Point defining feature, project survey teams will conduct a metal detector survey along the ridge covering the top and bottoms of the ridge. The purpose of the metal detector survey is to provide an initial baseline showing the presence/absence and clustering of battle-related artifacts. Following this initial survey, judgmental metal detecting survey along the ridge's slope will be used to better determine the presence of any combat areas. [text deleted]
The resulting mapping information will be used to identify clustering of battle related artifacts to determine "hotspots" or areas for further investigation. Untested areas or gaps in the systematic survey will be judgmentally filled with further metal detecting survey to better determine the extents of artifact clustering. Again, the artifacts will be flagged, recorded, and mapped. The mapped positions of fired munitions, such as musket balls, will be analyzed in GIS to determine the location of possible firing positions. Information on artifact position in combination with the surrounding landscape and integrity of the surrounding matrix will be used to reverse locate firing positions. This information will provide guidance for field excavations to identify the presence and integrity of any battle related trenches or defensive works.
Field excavations will include both systematic and judgmental trenching. Trenches will initially be placed judgmentally to correspond to the artifact clusters and possible firing positions as interpreted using GIS analysis. If no evidence of historic defensive works is identified, systematic trenches will be placed to ensure that such works are not missed. Trenching will consist of a 1 m (3.3 ft) wide trench crossing the areas suggested as possible firing positions atop the ridge. Soil will be removed in 5 cm (2 in) levels within natural layers of soil. The soil from each unit will be screened through 1/4 inch mesh onto plastic to standardize and more accurately recover artifacts. All artifacts will be noted and bagged by level. The vital information for each unit will be recorded level by level on standardized forms. Accurate maps will be kept of each trench and feature location. Additional photos will be taken if significant artifacts or features are discovered in a specific level. One to two profiles will be drawn at the end of each trench's excavation. The excavators of each unit will characterize the soil layers from standardized categories and use a Munsell color chart to record soil color. If features are encountered, their boundaries will be defined by troweling, plan views will be drawn and the feature will be photographed. Deeply buried deposits are not expected along the ridge and so excavations will proceed to a depth of 15 cm into the culturally sterile subsoil to confirm that excavations have included the horizon that would contain battle related materials.
Field Testing at New Chemung
The magnetometer survey will be followed by a metal detector survey. Project survey teams will survey the defining feature using the same grids used for the magnetometer survey for comparison purposes. Hits on the metal detector will be marked with flags. Teams will then map and collect battle related artifacts. The locations of these artifacts will be compared to the results of the magnetometer survey. Magnetometer survey is theorized to have greater sensitivity over metal detector survey because of its potential to identify burned features. The identification of burned features will help to pinpoint those areas directly related to the Battle of Chemung and the destruction of the village.
Field excavations of possible features will be conducted following the magnetometer and metal detector surveys. Within surveyed areas test units sized 1 x 1 m (3.3 x 3.3 ft) will be clustered in areas with identifiable artifact spatial patterning to confirm the presence of features or artifacts. These units will be placed judgmentally as to maximize the identification of features. Units will be placed contiguously if a larger area needs to be uncovered. The use of a standard unit will allow uniform mapping that will be tied into the overall mapping of the entire battlefield. Most excavation will proceed to a depth related to the battlefield deposits. Testing will extend to a depth to record and map the stratigraphic profile of any battle related features or burned surfaces. Some units will be excavated deeper to confirm that battlefield deposits have been fully identified and that buried battlefield deposits are not missed by not extending excavation below fill. Field crews will judgmentally determine the placement of these deep units. If the magnetometer identifies single artifacts, an excavation technique similar to that used with for metal detector survey (i.e., excavating just for the artifact) will be used.
8.4 Protocols for Inadvertent Discoveries of Human Remains
During the field-testing components of this project, we will follow a modified protocol based on one established by the New York State Historic Preservation Office (SHPO) if human remains are encountered (SHPO 2005). In the event that human remains are inadvertently discovered during archeological investigations, the following protocols will be implemented:
• At all times human remains must be treated with the utmost dignity and respect. Should human remains be encountered, work in the general area of the discovery will stop immediately and the location will be immediately secured and protected from damage and disturbance.
• Human remains and directly associated artifacts will be left in place and not disturbed. No skeletal remains or materials associated with the remains will be collected or removed until appropriate consultation has taken place and a plan of action has been developed.
• First, the project field director will notify Director of Public Archaeology Facility, who is the Point of Contact (POC) for this project.
• The POC will notify the National Park Service (NPS), a bioarcheologist, SHPO, and (as needed) the county coroner and local law enforcement. The coroner and local law enforcement will make the official ruling on the nature of the remains, being either forensic or archeological. If the remains are archeological in nature, a bioarcheologist will confirm the identification as human, and whether they could be Native American.
• If human remains are determined to be Native American, the remains will be left in place and protected from further disturbance until a plan for their protection can be generated. The NPS and POC will consult appropriate Native American groups to develop a plan of action that is consistent with the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) regulations.
• If human remains are determined to be Euro-American, the remains will be left in place and protected from further disturbance until a plan for their preservation can be generated. The NPS and POC will consult with the SHPO and other appropriate parties to determine a plan of action.
Figure 54. This page/map was intentionally deleted per the requirements of the Archaeological
Resource Protection Act (16 U.S.C. 470hh) and its implementing regulations (49 FR
1027, Jan. 6, 1984).
8.5 Laboratory Analysis
Following fieldwork, all collected artifacts will be processed and analyzed in the laboratories of the Public Archaeology Facility (PAF). This section of the report will discuss some of the potential types of material culture that could be found in association with the Chemung Battlefield. These expected artifact types are preliminary in nature, since it is impossible to list all of the possible artifacts that might be found. For instance, there is an endless variety of personal possessions each individual combatant could have carried with them. However, documentary evidence does suggest items likely in the possession of combatants. Examples of the types of material culture expected are discussed in the following sections.
During the eighteenth century, there were two general types of firearms used by individual combatants. The most common was the musket, which was a smoothbore firearm whose barrel varied in length depending on the specific model and country of origin (Hogg and Batchelor 1975: 53-67; Neumann and Kravic 1975: 200-213; Peterson 1968: 27-38). These firearms were highly inaccurate beyond 100 yards (Peterson 1968: 26). Despite the drawbacks in poor accuracy, the musket had a high rate of fire for its day resulting in it being the weapon of choice for regular infantry. A well-trained infantryman was expected to be able to fire four rounds a minute (Hogg and Batchelor 1975: 64). A less common firearm was the rifle, which had spiraled rifling in the barrel that gave the projectile a spin that greatly improved accuracy (Hogg and Batchelor 1975: 66). However, rifles were notoriously slow to load and this resulted in them only being adopted by limited numbers of specialized units who usually fought detached from the regular infantry and used dispersed formations rather than the normal massed formations of regular infantry (Peterson 1968: 42-44).
There is some knowledge of the types of weapons present at the Battle of Newtown, and these were likely the same as those used at Chemung. Butler's Rangers were primarily equipped with either Long or Short Land patterns of the Brown Bess musket that had been issued from the King's Store at Fort Niagara because the majority of the Rangers either could not supply a weapon or had poorly maintained muskets (Lincoln and Welland Regimental Museum). There were only two patterns of British muskets, both known as the Brown Bess and which were the standard musket of the British army at the time (Peterson 1968: 27). The "Long Land" pattern of the Brown Bess had a 46 inch long barrel, while the "Short Land" pattern had a 42 inch long barrel (Peterson 1968: 27). Both were .75 caliber (Peterson 1968: 29). The British allied Native Americans probably had a high amount of diversity in their firearms. They might have acquired French made muskets through separate trade arrangements from French Canada prior either to 1763 or from New Orleans or as captured firearms that were taken from previous battlefields as spoils of war. Depending on the date of a French firearm, it is even possible it was war booty acquired during the French and Indian War (Seven Years War). Additionally, because the Native Americans did not have a formal standing army it is likely that there was less standardization of weaponry and an increased probability that the Native American warriors were using their personal firearms. This potential lack of standardization among the Native Americans means that at the Battle of Newtown there may be a greater variation in musket ball calibers, including the possibility of a higher proportion of rifle use because of the use of personal firearms. Continental troops were probably using either French or American made muskets. French muskets were all .69 caliber (Peterson 1968: 37). American made muskets were patterned as closely as possible to the Short Land Brown Bess musket (Peterson 1968: 30). Brig. Gen. Hand's rifle corps was the only unit documented to have used rifles at the Battle of Newtown. American rifles were manufactured in the colonies (Peterson 1968: 40).
It may be possible to determine the type of a musket based on individually recovered parts, such as lock mechanisms, bayonets, ramrods, and powder horns. The lock mechanisms can be used to help identify the nation of origin for muskets (Neumann and Kravic 1975: 204-209). Muskets can be identified by the design of any recovered bayonets (Wilbur 1993: 27). In addition to determining the country of origin, it may also be possible to determine the approximate date of manufacture (referred to as the "pattern") because different patterns of musket had slight variations from one another, some of which involved the design of the bayonet (Neumann and Kravic 1975: 30-32). As rifles did not have bayonets, the presence of a bayonet can be used as evidence of musket fire. Regular infantry are also known to have used powder horns if supplies of premade cartridges were low or unavailable (Peterson 1968: 70). Additionally, officers may have used smaller-sized powder horns to load their pistols. In most cases, only mounted officers carried pistols; however, some infantry officers carried one or two small pistols as backup weapons (Peterson 1968: 49-52).
There are two categories of musket balls that will likely be found at Chemung's areas of engagement: clusters of musket balls and single musket balls. Clusters of musket balls may indicate the remains of a dropped cartridge box that dissolved over time and left only the musket balls (Cornelison 2000: 296). The number of cartridges held in a cartridge box varied, but the standard range was between twenty and thirty cartridges to a cartridge box (Peterson 1968: 64). Cartridge boxes were usually made of leather and would have probably deteriorated. However, the Continentals did manufacture some metal cartridge boxes that could hold thirty-six cartridges (Peterson 1968: 67). It is possible some of the Continental soldiers at Chemung were equipped with these cartridge boxes and these may have survived. As early as 1779, Continental leather cartridge boxes were having "tinned iron" trays added to them to hold spare gunflints at the bottom of the cartridge box underneath the cartridges (Peterson 1968: 68). If such trays were used by the Continentals at Chemung, it is possible this will be a further indicator of a dropped cartridge box.
Single musket balls may have been musket balls that were fired at opposing lines of infantry and if found will be the best indicators of the lines of battle. However, because muskets were highly inaccurate, the possibility that a round missed its target completely and landed behind the line of enemy infantry must be taken into consideration. An additional possibility is that the musket balls were dropped by combatants and never fired. Reasons they may have been dropped include nervousness or haste while reloading, or because the soldier was wounded during the process of reloading (Potter et al. 2000: 18). A final possibility is that the musket ball was too large to easily fit into the barrel (Potter et al. 2000: 18-20). This was a particular problem encountered with black powder that leaves residue after each firing that builds up and will as a result slowly decrease the diameter of the barrel (Potter et al. 2000: 20). Thus, a dropped musket ball did not have to have been larger than the bore diameter of the musket to be rendered too big to fit into the barrel.
If the ball is smaller than .50 it is possible these musket balls were part of a "buck and ball cartridge." These cartridges were made up of one regular caliber musket ball (the specific caliber depending on the type of musket), and several rounds of smaller caliber buckshot placed on top of the musket ball. By the Mexican-American War .30 was standard caliber for the buckshot used in the "buck and ball cartridge" and remained a standard into the American Civil War (Haecker and Mauck 1997: 141; Potter and Owsley 2000: 63). During the American Revolution, the specific number of buckshot could vary between three and ten buckshot in a "buck and ball cartridge" (Peterson 1968: 60). Archeological evidence at Valley Forge (winter 1777-1778) indicates that the use of buckshot in prepared cartridges was well established in the Continental Army more than a year before the Continentals marched to Chemung (Parrington, Schenck and Thibaut 1984: 146). Musket balls found at Cheumg with indentations may indicate that this musket ball was part of a buck and ball cartridge. Studies at Monmouth Battlefield (Sivilich and Stone 2009) also suggest that indentations on musket balls could be evidence of soldiers biting the balls for pain relief or alleviating thirst.
George Washington strongly objected to officers using firearms believing that the focus required to load and fire them withdrew too much of an officer's attention from their men and the tactical situation (Peterson 1968: 98-99). He ordered infantry officers to carry spontoons, which, like a sergeant's halberd, were also a symbol of rank (Peterson 1968: 98-99). General Sullivan himself is shown in a sketch holding a spontoon showing just how powerful a symbol of rank this was in the 18th century military (Cook 1887). Unlike sergeant's halberds, which had become primarily decorative by the American Revolution, officers' spontoons maintained their functionality as a spear and as effective weapons (Peterson 1968: 98-100). Officers carrying spontoons into battle was not unheard of and they were used in combat as late as October 14, 1781 during the siege of Yorktown where Captain Stephen Olney of the Second Rhode Island Regiment used his spontoon in combat during a night assault on British Redoubt Number 10 (Peterson 1968: 100). It is therefore possible that the remnants of officer spontoons will be found at the Chemung battlefield. Because British officers had abandoned the use of spontoons by the time of the American Revolution, any spontoon remains at the Newtown Battlefield indicate the location of Continental lines (Peterson 1968: 99).
Axes and Hatchets
Axes and hatchets were common weapons that could also serve as tools. Due to their use outside of combat, it is probable that individuals on both sides carried hatchets for use around camp. Continental light infantry and riflemen are known to have carried hatchets as rifles could not be used with a bayonet, and hatchets were a common piece of equipment for Butler's Rangers (Peterson 1968: 104; Lincoln and Welland Regimental Museum 2009). Additionally, the Native American warriors on both sides would have likely carried hatchets or tomahawks. The Continental general James Clinton noted that on Saturday, August 28, the day before the battle on August 29, Continental scouts heard the enemy at Newtown using axes to build breastworks: "the sound of their axes were heard distinctly" (Brig. Gen. James Clinton from Flick 1929c: 132). Because axes were used to construct the defensive works of the Loyalist/British and Crown-allied Native Americans, the remnants of some of those axes or hatchets may be found, especially if concealment features were constructed for the ambuscade. It is also likely that remnants of hatchets or tomahawks will be uncovered. Lieutenant John Jenkins, a Continental guide, recalled that the enemy "ran off and left their breastworks, in the most precipitous manner, leaving their packs, blankets, tomahawks, spears, &c., behind them" (Cook 1887: 172). Continental Lieutenant John Jenkins noted in his journal that tomahawks were among the many items left on the battlefield (Cook 1887:172). Since axes would have likely been used to construct the defenses along the hill that the British and their Native American allies occupied, the remains of some of those axes or hatchets may be found.
Knives and Swords
As with axes, knives also had utilitarian uses as well as for combat. Anyone equipped with a rifle would have needed to cut the cloth patches that were wrapped around the musket balls when loading a rifle (Peterson 1968: 107). The quality of a knife can range from very crude hand-forged or made from ground-down files to higher quality knives that may have been used by officers looking for a weapon of last resort (Peterson 1968: 107-108). It is probable that British officers and Native American warriors shared similar concerns to those of the Continentals of carrying a dagger in case of emergency. The intended use of the knife also determined the length of the blade, whereas a fancy dagger carried by an officer might be only six and a half inches long while a hunting knife might be as long as nine and a half inches (Peterson 1968: 107-108).
While swords are often associated with officers and nobility, this is not an accurate representation of the sword in the 18th century military. Non-commissioned infantry officers in the Continental army are known to have carried short sabers (Peterson 1968: 86). It is possible that the remains of some of these swords and sabers will be found because these standard issue weapons were not always as highly decorated as a commissioned officer's sword. Therefore, such non-commissioned officer's swords or sabers may not have had as great an appeal to soldiers looking for loot after the battle, especially if the sword was broken.
Other items used by soldiers and warriors not directly related to the battle could be found on the battlefield. These items include camping and food-related equipment, clothing items, items of personal adornment, and tools.
As the soldiers and warriors on both sides were on the move, they had to have the equipment and supplies needed for camps. One such piece of equipment was the canteen. For the most part, the Continentals used canteens made entirely of wood and thus these would not survive in the archeological record (Peterson 1968: 142). Most canteens were shaped like a very short barrel and commonly used hoops made of wood to secure the wooden staves (Peterson 1968: 142). Some canteens used the less common metal hoops of tinned iron or brass to secure the wooden staves (Peterson 1968: 142). The British commonly used tin canteens that were shaped like either a flask or kidney (Peterson 1968: 143). A tin canteen does not necessarily indicate a British soldier, Loyalist or Crown-allied Native American because the Continentals used captured canteens. Not all tin canteens were made in Britain. Some tin canteens are known to have been made in Maryland (Peterson 1968: 143). Other less common canteens were made out of glass or ceramics when wood or tin canteens were not available (Peterson 1968: 143).
Revolutionary War armies communicated orders across great distances with musical instruments. The most common types of instruments for this purpose were the fife and drum. In addition to their use by the Continental soldier, Butler's Rangers also had fifes and drums, although it is not known if these were used by the Rangers at Chemung and Newtown (Smy 2004:110). In most cases, fifes and drums were made of perishable materials (Peterson 1968: 190-193) that are unlikely to be found in the archeological record at Chemung. However, there are a few known specimens of fifes made of iron, some possibly being made from the barrels of muskets (Peterson 1968: 191). If any iron fifes were used at Chemung, it is possible that these will have survived. An additional musical instrument is the bugle which was typically used by Continental light infantry who needed something more portable for signaling troop movements (Peterson 1968: 193-195). Since these instruments were also metal, if they were carried at Chemung, it is possible that they will be present in the archeological record. Whistles were also used by both sides to communicate and were commonly made out of bone, pewter, antler, horn, or wood (Neumann and Kravic 1975: 272).
Important parts of the equipment used by both sides were the tools required to maintain their firearms. These tools were typically a small brush used for sweeping out the firing pan so that it would not become caked with spent gunpowder (Neumann and Kravic 1975: 264). Another tool was a small needle, which was typically attached to the brush by a small metal chain. The needle was used to clean out the small hole (called a touch hole) that led from the firing pan to the interior of the firearm barrel (Neumann and Kravic 1975: 264). The touch hole led directly to the main charge in the barrel and if the hole was clogged, the gun would not fire. Also associated with the maintenance of a firearm was a small screwdriver with three heads "the screw-driver used in the army has three blades, each of which is fitted to turn a screw, the blades are united at a common center, and disposed at equal distances so that three lines touching their extremities would form a triangle" (Peterson 1968: 72). While the tools are very small, the fact that every soldier was equipped with these tools improves the chances of finding them as evidence of the combatants who fought and died at the Battle of Chemung.
Another item that may be found are small molds used for making musket balls and while typically made out of iron or brass, molds could also be made out of stone (Neumann and Kravic 1975: 189-193). These could vary in size from molds that could only make a single musket ball at a time to ones that could make multiple musket balls (Peterson 1968: 73-75). A small iron ladle was also required to use the mold (Peterson 1968: 75). This ladle was used for pouring molten lead into the mold (Peterson 1968: 75). It is unlikely that combatants would have burdened themselves with these items if pre-made cartridges were readily available (Peterson 1968: 75). Therefore if these items are found it may indicate shortages of ready-made ammunition. Such molds may have also been more popular among the Native Americans.
Except for earrings, rings, and gorgets – half-moon works of silver worn around the neck by Native American and non-Native American leaders on both sides – most of the decorative and utilitarian objects owned by individuals on all sides were carried in either knapsacks (backpacks) or haversacks (shoulder bags) (Wilbur 1993: 55). Shoulder bags were especially common among the Native Americans on both sides (von Erffa and Staley 1986: 54; Morgan 1850). There is no evidence that the Continentals discarded their packs before engaging their enemies at Chemung. However, at Newtown, it is evident that the retreating Crown-allied Native Americans did indeed drop their packs, and this seems to be noted as exceptional behavior by the victorious Continentals, perhaps indicating that the Continentals did in fact carry their packs into battle (Cook 1887: 72, 88).
Non-Battlefield Related Artifacts
Discovery of non-battlefield related artifacts are also possible during field investigations. Analysis of these will be completed to provide a sufficient characterization of the data potential for the other types of material culture. These artifacts will be classified according to a non-hierarchical catalogue system developed at PAF. This system is inspired by South's artifact classification system (South 1976), which identifies broad artifact patterning by functional groups. As we are not expecting a high amount of domestic material, the classification system will have to be adjusted to meet the recording needs for the mostly militaristic materials expected. Functional group information should aid in identifying gross artifact function within the assemblage, and an overall assessment of the composition of battlefield deposits. The quantity and percentage of different functional groups should provide an understanding of the horizontal and vertical distribution of the artifacts, which will aid in the spatial analysis of the battlefield.
Following the completion of the fieldwork outlined in the research design, geophysical, GIS, and laboratory analysis, researchers will produce a final report. The final report will include the topics:
• a general description of the project;
• historic background of the battle and Sullivan-Clinton campaign with a discussion of the battle and campaign's significance to the American Revolution;
• discussion of research questions and goals; methodology; field results;
• analysis of identified features and artifacts;
• interpretation of the battlefield; and
• a discussion of the integrity of the battlefield's defining features.
This information will be used to formulate a preservation plan for the battlefield's overall landscape and each of its defining features.
Specific deliverables will include the following:
• three copies of the draft Archeological Research Report for NPS American Battlefield
Protection Program review;
• two copies of a revised draft report that addresses all comments;
• three acid-free final report copies and one digital copy (on CD);
• one 5-15 page Final Program Performance Report;
• copies of Public meeting notes, GIS maps as ArcView shape files, photographs, brochures, and PowerPoint presentations; and
• a digital copy of the website created in association with this project.
The Public Archaeology Facility maintains secure collections curation facilities that comply with federal standards (36 CFR Part 79) and professional guidelines. All artifacts, notes and other documentation of the project will be curated according to federal (36 CFR Part 79) and state guidelines (NYAC 1994) in the facilities of the Department of Anthropology at Binghamton University.
Use of our collections is restricted to qualified professionals and students for study, loan, public interpretation, exhibition, and scientific analysis. All requests for collection use are considered by the Director of PAF. Short-term, supervised use of collection material is available in secure work areas. Long-term loans are time limited and made only to researchers associated with an institution (educational or museum) who can demonstrate that a safe and secure environment can be maintained for the duration of the loan. The proper curation of collections at the university maintains this database in the public domain and guarantees that this information is available for serious researchers.